January 5th, 2007

New Attorney Advertising Rules (Is This Blog an Advertisement?)

New rules were announced in New York yesterday by the Office of Court Administration after months of debate regarding attorney advertising. The rules can be found here, courtesy of the New York State Bar Association. Two things of note, first on the reason for the rules and second on how they are applied.

The rule changes were prompted in part, I believe, by a number of attorneys rushing ads into the Staten Island Advance after the Staten Island Ferry disaster of October 2003, killing ten people.

Many ads appeared in the Advance the very next day, having been submitted the day of the accident before all the survivors had even been evacuated. It was not the finest hour of the New York bar.

The original rules suggested last year that there be a 30 day prohibition of such advertising for mass disaster. A problem with that was that the same rule didn’t apply to defense lawyers and their agents rushing in to try and settle cases before the injured had a chance to fairly evaluate their rights (or even to contemplate their future).

The new rules apply to all personal injury cases (not just mass disaster) and apply also to defense counsel. So if there must be change, at least now it won’t be to the detriment of those injured.

But this also leads to the second part, and that is defining attorney advertising. A web site clearly qualifies as an ad in the rules and must be so noted with the words “attorney advertising.” In fact, my own web site on personal injury law already has this comment in place:

This website is the firm’s electronic brochure, its sole form of attorney advertising. You found this site only because you looked for us. We do not engage in television, radio, print, mail or spam email advertising campaigns of any kind. Frankly, we find many of them somewhat offensive.

Throughout this site you will see examples of cases we have handled. Since all cases are different, and legal authority may change from year to year, it is important to remember that prior results cannot and do not guarantee or predict similar outcomes with respect to any future matter, including yours, in which any lawyer or law firm may be retained.

But what of web logs and their ever-changing content? If I link to my own web site, as I just did above, does this blog now become an advertisement? I also have this paragraph at my web site:

The Turkewitz Law Firm also sponsors the New York Personal Injury Law Blog to discuss issues of New York personal injury law, medical malpractice, cases of interest in the press, and public policy regarding the justice system. To the extent that it may discuss past cases the firm has handled for illustrative purposes, or in any way mentions the the firm or its services, the New York courts may deem this to be attorney advertising.

Will our web logs be considered advertising? Comments welcome on that one…

[Addendum: The front page article on attorney advertising in the New York Law Journal is now available at Law.com at this link.]

 

January 4th, 2007

Quotes on the Law and Lawyers #5 (On Courts)

Having now posted several times on the efforts by Gov. Spitzer to reform New York’s courts, it is time to turn to a single quote on the meaning of it all:

“But there is one way in this country in which all men are created equal-there is one human institution that makes a pauper the equal of a Rockefeller, the stupid man the equal of an Einstein, and the ignorant man the equal of any college president. That institution, gentlemen, is a court. It can be the Supreme Court of the United State or the humblest J.P. court in the land, or this honorable court which you serve. Our courts have their faults, as does any human institution, but in this country our courts are the great levelers, and in our courts all men are created equal.”

Harper Lee, To Kill a Mockingbird, p. 218 (1960)
Winner of the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction, 1961

 

January 4th, 2007

Spitzer Moves To Restructure Courts With Chief Judge Kaye’s Plans

In yesterday’s State of the State address, New York Gov. Eliot Spitzer asked for “a Constitutional amendment that incorporates Judge Kaye’s recommendations to consolidate and integrate our balkanized courts.”

Perhaps the happiest person to hear that (aside from a multitude of practitioners), was Chief Judge Judith Kaye. At her own State of the Judiciary speech for 2006, she described the frustrations involved with fixing New York’s arachaic court structure, and the decades long struggle to do so:

Since 1993 I have urged simplifying the archaic structure of New York’s courts, by far the most complex in America. Supreme Court and Family Court, Surrogate’s Court and the Court of Claims, superior criminal courts and local criminal courts — time and time again, whether the issue is matrimonials, or indigent defense, or simple efficiency, we have seen that jurisdictional barriers among New York’s trial courts fragment related cases, risk inconsistent judgments, discourage effective outcomes, encourage costly litigation, and confuse litigants and lawyers. We have had some notable operational successes, such as the Integrated Domestic Violence Courts and the Bronx Criminal Division. Despite these heroic efforts to work around the problems, however, there is no escaping the conclusion that our court structure is in need of repair.

I am discouraged, but not deterred, by the fact that my perennial call for this reform remains unheeded. Indeed, 2006 marks a full century since Dean Roscoe Pound’s historic speech to the American Bar Association, calling for states to unify their trial courts for the sake of efficiency and substantive justice. Over the last century, other states have heeded that call. In 1962, New York took the modest step of merging and unifying some of its courts, principally in New York City. But eleven trial courts is still a far cry from what Dean Pound envisioned when he urged unification, and a far cry from what Chief Judge Charles Breitel urged in 1974 when he joined that call.

Ensuring accountability, better protecting crime victims, reducing recidivism, reducing costs, making our courts more efficient, accessible and understandable — I have come to see more than ever before that without change in court structure, these benefits will continue to elude our State. Given the frustrations we’ve experienced in getting court reform off the ground, I’m convinced that it’s time for a new approach. I wondered: how did they do it back in 1962? That effort, as I learned, was actually inspired by the work of a commission set up in the mid-1950s, chaired by New York attorney Harrison Tweed, that studied the need for structural court reform and modernization of New York’s procedural codes.

Recognizing the success of the Tweed Commission, and the successes we have had in the last decade with our commissions, I will be forming a Special Commission on the Future of the New York State Courts to pick up where the Tweed Commission left off. Harnessing the expertise of the most respected lawyers, jurists and community leaders, this Commission will assess, candidly and without reservation, the effectiveness of our current structure, the need for reform, and whether our procedural codes — all of them now thirty or more years old –need streamlining as well.

The Commission will be asked to look at systems across the nation for ideas, and to propose a court structure that is free of barriers that force the unnecessary fragmentation of courts and cases, that is user-friendly, has the benefits of both specialization and simplicity and that is accessible to all New Yorkers; and to suggest procedures that complement such a streamlined system. That is a mighty task I know, but truly an important one for the future of our courts and justice system.

Will Gov. Spitzer, with the help of Judge Kaye, be able to marshall the forces for long needed change? Stay tuned…

 

January 3rd, 2007

Spitzer Urges Constitutional Amendments for Judicial Reform

From Gov. Eliot Spitzer’s State of the State address, being delivered as I type: He urges two constitutional amendments regarding judicial reform:

First, we must reform our state’s sprawling judicial system. New York has the most complex and costly court system in the country, a system that too often fails to provide justice while imposing an undue burden on taxpayers. Chief Judge Kaye has forged consensus within the legal community for how we must fairly administer justice. Now is the time to act.

In the coming weeks, I will submit a Constitutional amendment that
incorporates Judge Kaye’s recommendations to consolidate and integrate our balkanized courts.

I will also submit a second constitutional amendment that will take
the politics out of the selection of judges and implement a merit appointment process.

Given Spitzer’s executive order that he signed on his first day in office, I can’t say I am surprised. His desire to de-politicize the judicial selection process is no doubt in part due to criticism of Gov. Pataki’s choices, covered on the front page of today’s New York Law Journal, among other factors.

Details to follow.

 

January 3rd, 2007

Pataki Got Low Marks For Judicial Diversity

On the front page of today’s New York Law Journal is a story about the 58 Supreme Court Justices that former New York Gov. George Pataki elevated to the four appellate divisions, New York’s intermediate appellate courts.

Of the 58, a whopping 83 percent were white men. Two were black, two were Hispanic and eight were women (one of whom is black). Pataki was also criticized for going outside the jurisdictions of the two New York City departments (1st and 2nd Appellate Divisions) in order to find his judges, instead of elevating Supreme Court justices from the area.

While the appointed judges were naturally conservative, given that Pataki is Republican, the article doesn’t criticize any of the judges based on lack of intelligence or seriousness.

I had posted just yesterday that one of the first executive orders Gov. Eliot Spitzer signed had to do with new judicial screening committees, and that they seemed to be designed to remove some of the political baggage that has haunted judicial selections in the past. I would guess that these screening committees, which will be bi-partisan, will put a focus on diversity that the Pataki administration lacked.